The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. Freeman versus slave, lord versus serf, communist party commissar versus worker, oppressor against the oppressed, have stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in ruin of the contending classes.
"The Revolution Will Move Forward"
In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters; in 21st century socialist societies we have the communist party elite, the military, the security services, and gangsters allied with the regime, all aligned against the people. All of these classes have gradations, the ones at the top live in incredible luxury, while the people suffer in poverty and are subjected to numerous indignities and abuses.
Marvinia Jimenez, on her knees just before she´s
savagely beaten by Chavista Guards (Venezuela, 2014).
The modern 21st century socialist or chavista society that has sprouted from the ruins of failed capitalist society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones.
Our epoch, the epoch of the 21st century socialist (designated Castro-Chavista henceforth), possesses, however, this distinct feature: it has simplified class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two hostile camps, into two groups directly facing each other — Castro-Chavistas and the people.
We see, therefore, how the modern Castro-Chavista regime is itself the product of a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange.
Each step in the development of the Castro-Chavistas as a ruling class was accompanied by a corresponding political advance of that class. The Castro-Chavista elite has, since the establishment of social democracy and of the world market, conquered for itself, in the modern representative State, political sway used to achieve power, which is then used to destroy democracy and create a dictatorship. The executive of the emerging modern Castro-Chavista state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole Castro-Chavista elite. An elite made up of Communist intellectuals, corrupt narco-generals, and associated groups of gangsters and hangers on focused on rape and pillage of society at large.
The Castro-Chavistas, wherever they have got the upper hand, have put an end to all democratic and free market traditions. They have pitilessly torn asunder the laws and regulations that bound man to his peers, and attempted to control powerful capitalist elites. Castro-Chavismo has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, and attempts to impose absolute loyalty and subservience to the Castro-Chavista elite (what they themselves call the "political and military alliance").
Nicolás Maduro parading with the military elite.
Castro-Chavismo has drowned traditional religion, to replace it with beliefs in Santeria or voodoo, the worship of dead leaders who are said to communicate with the party leadership. It has sown hatred and distrust, and encouraged egotistical calculation. It has resolved that personal worth is nothing, instead has set up that single, all powerful and omniscient unconscionable State, . In other words, it has substituted the previous capitalist and social democratic order with naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation of the working class.
The Castro-Chavista regime has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and converted the physician, the engineer, the teacher, the man of science, into its paid wage labourers.
The Castro-Chavista regime has torn family structure, and has reduced society´s norms to rubble. The end result is the emergence of a new generation of prostitutes, thieves, and the lazy who aspire to be just like the Castro-Chavista elite and the gangsters who support it.
The Castro-Chavistas cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society. Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the Castro-Chavista epoch from all earlier ones.
The need of a constantly expanding sphere of influence chases the Castro-Chavistas over the entire surface of the globe. They must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connexions everywhere. Thus we see huge sums of money being laundered in European and Latin American banks, a portion of which are used to finance Castro-Chavista parties in Europe, such as the ones we see in Greece and Spain.
The Castro-Chavista regime has, through its poorly conceived and rapacious exploitation of society, destroyed most of the means of production. All old-established national industries, and agriculture, have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by corrupt and inefficient party controlled industries, industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national self-sufficiency, we see a focus on oil sales in Venezuela, and sexual tourism in Cuba, as the means the state uses to feed its voracious needs.
"Jineteras" Cover, a book by Amir Valle
about prostitution and sexual tourism in Cuba
And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual are stifled and denied. Narrow-mindedness becomes more and more the norm, and from the numerous lines of thought and literature, there arises a single idea, and a single literature, which preach subservience to the all-powerful state.
The Castro-Chavista state, by the rapid destruction of all instruments of production, by the well crafted means of repression (means it inherited from the Soviet KGB and East German Stasi), draws everything under its control. Whenever it is allowed to do so, it compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the Castro-Chavista mold; this is noticed in nations such as Nicaragua, ruled by the Castro-Chavista Ortega. In one word, it spreads like a cancer as it attempts to create a world after its own image.
The Castro-Chavista regime has subjected the country to crime and corruption. It has made a considerable part of the population into mere pawns dependent on state handouts for its survival. It has made cities and towns into barbarian and semi-barbarian zones, where chaos and crime are the norm, and life is an eternal hell.
Pedestrians approach a bloody cadaver in Venezuela
(Photo from La Voz de Galicia)
The Castro-Chavista regime keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has agglomerated population, centralised the means of production, and has concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of this has been political centralisation. Independent, or loosely connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments, and systems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with one government, one ruling class-interest, one party, and one ruler.
The Castro-Chavista regime, during its rule of scarce half a century in Cuba, and 16 years in Venezuela, has created nothing, other than violent social parasites who prey on the population.
We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the Castro-Chavista regime built itself up, were generated in capitalist and democratic society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which capitalist and democratic society produced and exchanged, came under attack by antidemocratic forces or economic crises; and in these crises they were burst asunder, to be replaced by Castro-Chavista leaders who had lied to the people and sold themselves as bringers of a reformed order, compatible with the pre-existing democratic tradition.
And thus, we see that Castro-Chavistas replaced the idea of free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adopted to enforce rational laws, with the absolute political power and the economic sway of the Castro-Chavista elite.
It is enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return put the existence of the entire Castro-Chavista society on its trial, each time more threateningly. In these crises, a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are periodically destroyed. In these crises, there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity — the epidemic of scarcity, empty shelves, increasing poverty, and hopelessness. Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of devastation, had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and why? Because there is too much stupidity, arrogance, corruption, and self interest at the top of the Castro-Chavista ranks.
The productive forces, have been fettered. The Castro-Chavista leadership knows that, as soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of Castro-Chavista social order, endanger the existence of Castro-Chavista property and power.
And how does the Castro-Chavista regime get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by repression, and by introducing poverty and misery as the new standard of living. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.
The weapons with which the Castro-Chavistas felled democracy to the ground are now turned against the Castro-Chavista regime itself. But not only has the Castro-Chavista elite forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men and women who are to wield those weapons — the modern working class — the proletarians.
In proportion as the Castro-Chavista, i.e., the social parasite, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat forged. We see the emergence of an united class of labourers, who live in misery, chained to state control, and who find work only so long as their minds are faithful and loyal to the Castro-Chavista leadership. These labourers are treated as a commodity, like every other article controlled by the state, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes and abuses which emerge when the employer, the police, the justice system, and the political leadership are a single monolithic entity, a giant parasite gorging on the blood of the working class.
Thus the worker becomes an appendage of the state machine, and it is only labor that is required of him. Hence, the workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires for bare survival.
We see labourers, crowded into work places, organised like soldiers in military type structures, with party commissars and their foreign capitalist partners wielding whips to make them work for subhuman wages.
As members of the industrial army they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of the Castro-Chavista class, and of the Castro-Chavista State; they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, a machine often owned by the foreign capitalist, the joint venture overlooker, and by the individual Castro-Chavista exploiter himself. The more openly this despotism proclaims the good of society to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more embittering it is.
But the exploitation of the labourer by the state, his employer, doesn´t end there. After work he is set upon by the other portions of the Castro-Chavista power structure, the local gangster, the corrupt state agent, the black marketer with access to food stolen from state warehouses…
The lower strata of the middle class — the small tradespeople, shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peasants — all these sink gradually into the proletariat, swamped in the competition with the state enteprises and "connected" capitalists, quite often foreign vultures invited by the state to feast on the flesh of the working class,
The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With its birth begins its struggle with the Castro-Chavista regime. At first the contest is carried on by individual labourers, then by the workpeople of a factory, then by the operative of one trade, in one locality, against the individual member of the Castro-Chavista elite who directly exploits them.
They direct their attacks against the instruments of production themselves; they destroy to pieces machinery, they set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the working class free to organize into labor unions and vote in democratic elections. Thus we see the means of production, already mismanaged by the state, fall into a permanent state of decay, and society suffers enormously as production drops to nothing.
They direct their attacks against the instruments of production themselves; they destroy to pieces machinery, they set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the working class free to organize into labor unions and vote in democratic elections. Thus we see the means of production, already mismanaged by the state, fall into a permanent state of decay, and society suffers enormously as production drops to nothing.
At this stage, the labourers still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole country, and broken up by state repression and lack of means of communication. Thus, as Castro-Chavism gains strength, power is concentrated in the hands of the Castro-Chavista elite; every victory so obtained is a victory for this Castro-Chavista elite, which itself becomes highly stratified.
But with the destruction of society, and increased poverty, the proletariat becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows as the merchants and middle class descends into poverty. The conditions of life within the ranks of the people are more and more equalised, and there emerges a clear class distinction: the working class, or common people, and those who are “connected” or belong to the Castro-Chavista ruling elite.
The economic crises bring divisions within Castro-Chavista ranks. Some propose harsh repression and a move towards rigid Stalinism, others advocate a change to a neo fascist regime.
The collisions between individual workmen and the individual Castro-Chavista social parasite take more and more the character of collisions between two classes. Here and there, the contest breaks out into riots. But state repression impedes the organization of the working class into free labor unions or truly effective political parties.
But every class struggle is a political struggle. And that union, to attain which the workers of the Middle Ages required centuries, the modern proletarian living under Castro-Chavista rule, can achieve in a few years using the internet.
This is why the internet is blocked, closely monitored and/or controlled in Castro-Chavista ruled nations. The ruling elite knows very well it is a social parasite, living off the labor of the working class, and the sale of commodities (Venezuela), or the sale of labor and prostitution of the slave working class (Cuba).
This organisation of the proletarians into a class, and, consequently into a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of the divisions among the Castro-Chavista ruling class itself.
The Castro-Chavista regime finds itself involved in a constant battle. We observe clashes of the upper ruling class (Maduro, Cabello, Castro Family members) with those portions of the Castro-Chavista devoted to criminal activities (drug trade, kidnapping, robbery), whose interests have become antagonistic to Castro-Chavista regime survival; we also see collisions the Castro-Chavista of foreign countries, which are unable to express support for the extreme corruption of the leadership, and the abuse of the working class. We see individuals like Professor Heinz Dieterich declare that Nicolás Maduro is a traitor, and condemn him to the dustbin of history.
Solidarity, the Road to Freedom,
poster shows Polish labor leader Lech Walesa
In all these battles, the Castro-Chavista elite it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for help, and thus, to drag it into the political arena. The Castro-Chavista regime, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its own elements of political power, in other words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting the Castro-Chavista hegemony.
Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the upper and middle classes are, by the increased poverty and chaos, threatened in their conditions of existence. These also supply the proletariat with fresh revolutionary cadres.
Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the progress of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within the whole range of the established Castro-Chavista society, assumes such a violent, glaring character, that a small section of the ruling Castro-Chavista class cuts itself adrift, and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the capitalist class went over to the Castro-Chavistas, hoping to see the emergence of a repressive fascist state, so now a portion of the Castro-Chavistas goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the Castro-Chavista ideologists, who have comprehended the historical blunder and monstrous nature of the Castro-Chavista movement as a whole.
Of all the classes that stand face to face with the Castro-Chavistas today, the newly emerging single class, the proletariat, the abused worker whose labor is robbed by the “connected” social parasite and the gangster class, is alone as a revolutionary class; the working proletariat is its special and essential product.
All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum of Castro-Chavista society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole upper strata of ruling, official, society being blown up and tossed into the air.
Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat with the Castro-Chavistas is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own Castro-Chavista regime. The revolution must be carried out with firmness, remembering that retribution by Castro-Chavista repression will be swift and merciless. The worker, or the student, caught by the Castro Chavista state security apparatus will be imprisoned, tortured, and executed with a bullet in the back of the head.
In depicting the most general phases of the development of the revolution by the proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the Castro-Chavista lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat and the return of democracy and freedom.
To carry out an effective revolution against the Castro-Chavista ruling class, the modern labourer is joined by the ruined shopkeeper, the professional, the craftsman, a group which has sunk to the conditions of poverty common to the working class population living in Castro-Chavista society.
Every member of society, other than the Castro Chavista elite and those gangsters associated with it, becomes a pauper. And here it becomes evident, that the Castro-Chavista elite is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an over-riding law. It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state. Society can no longer live under this Castro-Chavista regime, in other words, the existence of such a government is no longer compatible with society.
The essential conditions for the existence and for the sway of the Castro-Chavista class is raw power. The advance of industry, quite often organized as Joint Ventures with foreign capitalists, becomes the nominal objective of the party leadership. This is observed by the proletariat, which deeply resents being made into slave labor for foreign investors who treat them as subhuman machinery.
What the Castro-Chavista therefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. The fall of Castro-Chavism and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.
What the Castro-Chavista therefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. The fall of Castro-Chavism and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.
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